This Is Not A War For Freedom! – War Commentary (1939)

_{Prime Ministers Lord Neville Chamberlain of the United Kingdom and Edouard Daladier of France, German Chancellor Adolf Hitler, Italian Prime Minister Benito Mussolini and Foreign Minister Count Gian Galeazzo Ciano in Munich, September 29, 1938, for the signing of the Munich Agreement authorizing Hitler to annex the Sudetenland of Czechoslovakia}

From ‘War Commentary’, London, UK, December 1939

The battle of words shows no signs of abating and political confusion reigns supreme. Following pressure of public opinion the Government and the Labour Party stated their war aims. Apart from the fact that Herbert Morrison was more virulent in his attacks on Germany there was little to choose between his speech and the Prime Minister’s. “Naziism,” that is our enemy. Whereas in the past the Government stated that it was not in the least concerned with the “internal affairs” of Germany, so long as British interests were left alone, now, one of the strongest points to support its war aims is the barbaric regime existing in Germany!

To strengthen the hatred of the German people, the White Paper on German Atrocities was recently published. The statements are undoubtedly true, but the fact remains that such conditions existed in Germany six years ago, and then, far from exposing these crimes, the British Government was eagerly helping the Nazi regime to get on its feet with loans and raw materials. That the sudden interest in the welfare of German political prisoners is based on the humane ideals of this Government can easily be disproved.

Fascism in Italy, which has given not a few lessons to Hitler in his rise to power, has adopted methods of repression too brutal to describe. The islands of Lipari, Lampedusa, and Ponza, have for years been vast concentration camps to which political prisoners by the thousand have been sent to languish until death finally freed them.

Perhaps, also, Mr. Morrison remembers that his colleagues in the Socialist Party in the Italian Parliament, such as Matteotti and Amendola, were murdered by order of Mussolini. Yet today, Mussolini represents — to quote the Government — the angel of Peace, and at the outbreak of war all parties in the House were unanimous in expressing their appreciation of Mussolini’s efforts for Peace.

Apart from his brutal activity in Abyssinia and Spain, the recent invasion of Albania should not be forgotten. At the beginning of November the Government decided to apply to the Italian Government for recognition of the Consul-General in Tirana, the capital of Albania.

“This — writes the Daily Telegraph (November 1st) — signifies de facto recognition of the Italian occupation of that country earlier this year.”

This announcement was naturally hidden in some obscure corner of the newspaper; some daily newspapers did not consider it worthy of even a line! But the moment Germany enters Poland or Czechoslovakia, or Russia enters Finland, the British Press splashes horror and indignation over seven columns! Therein lies the confusion.

The Government of this country knows full well that the people, in order to fight, need some ideal which would make it seem worth while sacrificing their lives.* Hitler offers the Germans “great things,” Chamberlain offers us “Freedom and Justice,” though aware that we are not fighting to defend these ideals. He knows, however, that if he told the mass of people that Britain was fighting to defend British copper mines in Rhodesia, or iron mines in India, or British tea plantations in Ceylon, they would not fight.**

Now, since Russia’s participation, the confusion is greater than ever. Four imperialist powers, all of whom deny any imperialist aims. Russia is protecting Russian minorities in Poland and preventing any “acts of aggression by Finland,” who, according to the Daily Worker, is being urged forward by at least six different powers, including Italy, Germany, Britain, France, and the U.S.A.

Germany is seeking recognition for her minorities and looking around for lebensraum. Britain and France have “no territorial aims” (there being few native peoples not under their control) and are fighting for the “future of civilisation.” And, incidentally, in so doing are trying to induce Italy and Spain, both of whom deny freedom to their peoples, to fight on their side!

This state of affairs will persist until the eyes of the working people are opened. Then also will they realise that they only can either continue or stop the war, for they have the means of production in their hands, and it is they who are made to fight and die in the front line. Without their consent, wars would be impossible; through their indifference wars will always exist. It is for them to decide now before more blood is shed, whether they are really fighting for “Freedom and Justice” or whether, as in 1914-1918, these noble ideals of “Freedom and Justice” were merely the tempting baits to induce them to fight for something quite different: Imperialism and World Domination.

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* Reg Reynolds, writing on “Power ” in “Peace News” (24/11/39), endorses this opinion when he writes: “Actually the hunger for idealism is so great that if people are not offered good ideals, they will follow bad ones — hence their willingness to die for Adolf Hitler or the British Empire.”

** e.g. The indifference of British public opinion in the British mines in Spain in 1936-39, and their lack of interest in the seizure of British oil concessions in Mexico by the Mexican Government.